Political Testament: Part V

In the fifth section of his "Political Testament," entitled Reforme de l'éducation, Leopold III dealt with the need to develop patriotism and idealism in the Belgian youth. The section is short enough to quote in full: 

Je recommande qu'une sollicitude toute particulière soit accordée à la jeunesse qui tient en mains le sort de la Belgique de demain. 

Si, en 1940, le Pays a momentanément perdu foi dans sa destinée, la faute en est à l'insuffisance coupable de l'éducation civique donnée à nos enfants. 

L'avenir de la Nation exige que notre jeunesse soit physiquement robuste, nourrie d'aspirations nobles et d'idéal généreux, ardemment éprise de fierté personnelle, de solidarité sociale, foncièrement et résolument patriote. À cet égard, presque tout est à créer.

I recommend that very special care be accorded to our youth, who hold in their hands the fate of tomorrow's Belgium.

If, in 1940, the country momentarily lost faith in its destinies, the cause is the blameworthy inadequacy of the civic education given to our children. 

The future of the Nation demands that our youth be physically strong, nourished by noble aspirations and generous ideals, ardently possessed by personal pride and social solidarity; deeply and resolutely patriotic. In this respect, we must start almost from the beginning. 

I emphasized the last stipulation, as it recalls Leopold's own devotion, from an early age, to his country; a devotion which inspired him, at 13, to volunteer for the Belgian army during World War I. He was certainly a patriotic youth! 

Political Testament: Part IV

In the third section of his recommendations for the post-war reconstruction of Belgium, entitled La réforme politique, Leopold III addressed the country's need for a reform of its political structure. The 1930's had been characterized by an inordinate degree of political fragmentation, party strife and resulting national weakness, culminating in 1940, when many Belgians, following the Nazi conquest of the country, temporarily lost faith in Belgium's future. 

The King laid down the following guidelines for improvement. He emphasized the need for a devotion to the common good rising above individual and party interests; political structures must be moulded to foster and favor such devotion. 

...Les défauts de l'ancien mécanisme gouvernemental et les incidents inouïs qui en ont été l'aboutissement en 1940 ont ouvert les yeux dans les milieux les plus conservateurs. La Nation n'admettra pas un retour pur et simple aux errements d'avant la guerre. Elle désire que le Pouvoir soit exercé par des hommes intègres et compétents, qui cessent d'estimer le bien général à la mesure des intérêts des partis; elle desire que ces hommes soient nantis des mandats nécessaires pour résoudre avec autorité et continuité les problèmes essentiels et urgents.

...Le Pays a besoin des lois et de règlements bien faits: les citoyens ont le droit d'être protégés contre l'arbitraire possible d'un gouvernement dont les pouvoirs seront plus étendus. 

La responsabilité ministerielle doit cesser d'être un principe abstrait épinglé dans un code; il faut qu'elle devienne une réalité juridique permettant d'atteindre les ministers dont les fautes graves auraient compromis les intérêts de l'État. 

Ceci posé, dans quelle mesure et sous quelle forme y a-t-il lieu de rebâtir le statut politique du Royaume?

Il appartiendra au peuple belge librement consulté d'en décider, sitôt que les circonstances le permettront. 

...The defects of our previous governmental structures and the unheard-of incidents, whose result appeared in 1940 have opened the eyes of even the most conservative circles. The Nation will not accept a simple return to our pre-war wanderings. It desires that power be exercised by men who are upright and capable, and who cease to measure the general good by party interest; it desires that these men be granted the mandates necessary to resolve, with authority and continuity, essential and urgent problems.

...The country needs good laws and regulations; the citizens have the right to be protected against the possibly arbitrary rule of a government with more extensive powers. 

Ministerial responsibility must cease to be an abstract principle in a code of law; it must become a juridical reality, so that ministers whose serious faults have compromised the interests of the State may be charged.

In view of this, to what extent and in what manner will it be necessary to rebuild the Kingdom's political structure? 

It will be for the Belgian people, freely consulted, to decide these issues, as soon as circumstances permit it.

In view of the fact that Leopold was repeatedly accused of "fascist sympathies" by his political enemies, I find this phrase especially interesting: "The citizens have the right to be protected against the possibly arbitrary rule of a government with more extensive powers." These are hardly the stipulations of a fascist!  

The Royal Family

King Albert I, Queen Elisabeth, and their children.

Political Testament, Part III

The third section of Leopold's "Political Testament," La réorganisation sociale, deals with social reform. We have already seen his concern for just relations between the different ethnolinguistic groups in Belgium; now his concern for harmony between the classes comes to the fore. Leopold's openness to social issues was a quality he shared with his family; Albert and Elisabeth had always sought to protect the working classes, both in Belgium and in the Congo, from exploitation. In their daughter Marie-José's words, her family, while not being "socialist", nevertheless had a strong "social orientation."

Cette guerre mondiale est l'enfantement d'un monde nouveau... L'individualisme et le libéralisme économique dont le XIXe siècle fut l'âge d'or, feront place, de gré ou de force, à l'établissement d'un système plus égalitaire.

Il appartiendra aux dirigeants de veiller à ce que notre organisation sociale future soit empreinte de solidarité et soi plus conforme à la charité chrétienne et la dignité humaine.

Mon rôle de souverain constitutionnel ne m'assigne pas pour tâche de présenter un programme de réalisation ou de prendre parti pour l'une ou l'autre doctrine, mais je faillirais à ma mission si je n'indiquais ici quelques principes qui ne sont que l'expression de l'équité. 

Je tiens pour urgentes de larges réformes sociales, car le scandaleux contraste des misères dont par deux fois la guerre a accablé les uns, et les profits exorbitants que se sont procurés les autres, proclame l'iniquité d'un régime égoïste et malsain et le devoir d'y mettre fin.

Dès la libération du Pays, les gouvernement auront l'obligation d'affirmer le droit au travail et le devoir du travail; par la fixation de salaires justes et l'extension des assurances obligatoires, d'assurer aux travailleurs la dignité et la sécurité qui, trop souvent, ont fait défaut dans le passé...

Ces progrès en créant une atmosphère de stabilité et de bien-être dans le monde du travail amèneront un esprit de solidarité social aussi vital pour l'avenir du Pays que le sont l'entente et l'égalité entre Flamands et Wallons...

This world war is the birth of a new world... The individualism and the economic liberalism, which the 19th century allowed to run rampant, will give way, by agreement or by force, to a more egalitarian system.

It will be the task of our leaders to ensure that our future social organization is more marked by solidarity and that it better accords with Christian charity and human dignity.

My role, as a constitutional monarch, does not give me the right to present a specific program, or to side with one school of thought or another, but I would fail in my mission if I did not indicate, here, some principles which are merely the expression of equity.

I consider that extensive social reforms are necessary, for the scandalous contrast between the poverty with which, twice, war has overwhelmed some; and the exorbitant profits with which it has enriched others, make clear the injustice of a selfish and unhealthy system and the duty of bringing it to an end.

When the country is liberated, governments will be obliged to affirm the right to work and the duty of work; and by establishing just salaries and the extension of obligatory insurance, to assure workers the dignity and security which, in the past, has too often been lacking...

This progress, by creating an atmosphere of stability and well-being in the working world, will give rise to a spirit of social solidarity, which is just as vital for the country's future as are good relations and equality between Flemings and Walloons...

The King was also concerned that the economic life of the country be wisely organized, to reap maximum benefit from the country's natural resources and capacity for work; he wished especially to protect and foster Belgian agriculture, so essential for the country's self-sufficiency and independence.

He continued:

Devoir, droit et protection du travail - restauration de la probité et de la capacité professionnelles - collaboration et solidarité nationales - organisation judicieuse de l'économie, discipline de la production et de la consommation - telles sont les bases de la rénovation immédiate qui préparera un avenir meilleur.

The duty of work; the right to work, and the protection of labor - restoration of professional honesty and ability - national collaboration and solidarity - prudent organization of the economy, discipline in production and consumption - these are the bases of immediate renewal, which will prepare a better future. 

In conclusion, Leopold insisted that the nation's leaders must put aside all party interests for the sake of social justice and the common good of the country; if they failed to do so, Belgium would suffer serious upheavals. Unfortunately, it is easy to see that the King's stipulations would antagonize those who preferred party interests to the common good.

Princess Ingeborg of Sweden

Queen Astrid's mother, Princess Ingeborg of Sweden.

Prince Carl of Sweden

Queen Astrid's father, Prince Carl of Sweden (1861-1951).

The Execution of Mary Queen of Scots

Elena Maria Vidal reminds us of this tragic anniversary.

Queen Astrid Through Her Father's Eyes

In his memoirs, Dix-huit ans auprès du Roi Léopold, Count Robert Capelle, former secretary of King Leopold III of the Belgians, quotes a description of Queen Astrid by her father, Prince Carl of Sweden. It is a lovely, touching portrayal, and one which accords with every other description of Astrid I have seen. 

Il n'est pas échu à Astrid d'avoir une vie longue, elle était trop bonne pour ce bas monde; mais toute sa vie, comme épouse, mère, et reine, encore qu'elle ait été courte comme notre été nordique, a été une preuve rare et brillante de la vérité des paroles que son père adressait à la mariée de vingt ans. Car, durant sa vie entière, elle a été le même être au coeur pur, dévoué, franc qu'elle était pendant son enfance et sa jeunesse; aussi a-t-elle été vraiment aimée comme un être humain ne l'a jamais été sur cette terre, et tous les bonheurs sont allés à elle, jusqu'à l'heure où son jeune coeur s'est brisé et où elle s'en est allée dans l'éternité...

Pour répondre à son propre et ardent désir, Astrid fit ses études toute seule sans camarades. Nous lui proposâmes une vive et gentille fillette qui nous paraissait devoir lui convenir, dans l'espoir que celle-ci l'aiderait à surmonter sa timidité et à fortifier en elle-même le sentiment de sa propre valeur, mais elle demanda instamment à être seule avec sa jeune institutrice qu'elle aimait. Sa timidité native fut cause qu'elle eut de la peine, au début, à être à l'aise avec d'autres enfants et à se montrer tout à fait elle-même en leur compagnie. Ce fut la raison intime de sa prière, que nous n'osâmes pas repousser, bien que cela fût contraire à nos principes sur l'utilité des camarades dans l'enseignement.

La modestie de notre Astrid ne reposait nullement sur le contentement de soi et n'avait son fondement dans aucun autre défaut de caractère. Elle avait un coeur d'or; elle était considérée par tous comme une enfant admirable. Dans son enfance, elle était prompte aux larmes et, une fois qu'elle avait commencé à pleurer, le flot des larmes ne voulait jamais prendre fin. D'ailleurs, ses larmes n'étaient pas le fruit d'une sensiblerie, mais plutôt l'expression de son désespoir devant sa propre timidité, quand la cause n'en était point que sa mère chérie - Noni, comme l'appelaient les enfants - dût partir en voyage, ou encore que quelqu'un de ceux qu'elle aimait fût malade, ou que  quelque autre chagrin eût affligé son coeur sensible. Mais, par moments, elle pouvait aussi être d'une joie débordante. Ce n'était pas de tout une enfant maussade, mais simplement reservée, et son coeur désinteressé et affectueux s'ouvrit de plus en plus, à mesure que les années passaient et qu'elle commença à se dominer elle-même. Elle aimait tout le monde à sa façon discrète, et toute le monde l'aimait...

Si Astrid avait pu vivre et fêter ses noces d'argent comme sa mère le fit, je crois qu'elle serait devenue, après vingt-cinq ans, une épouse aussi rayonnante que sa mère l'avait été en son temps, et que le mari d'Astrid et leurs enfants n'auraient pas eu, non plus, moins de raisons que moi et mes enfants de la remercier et de la bénir alors, et de lui apporter le beau témoignage que j'ai, un jour, rendu à sa mère: "La Suède peut être fière de sa fille!"

Astrid was not granted a long life; she was too good for this base world. But all her life, as wife, mother, and queen, and especially as she was short-lived, like our Nordic summer, was a rare and brilliant proof of the truth of the words her father addressed to her, as a twenty-year-old bride. For, throughout her whole life, she was the same person, with a heart that was pure, devoted, and frank, as she was during her childhood and youth; and she was truly loved as no human being had ever been loved on this earth. She was granted every happiness, until the moment when her young heart broke and she departed into eternity...

In response to her own, ardent desire, Astrid pursued her studies alone, without companions. We suggested to her a lively, kind little girl who, as it seemed to us, would suit her, in the hope that this girl would help her to overcome her shyness and would strengthen her sense of her own worth; but she immediately begged to be alone, with her young teacher, whom she loved. Her natural shyness was the reason why she had difficulty, at first, in being at ease with other children and in being completely herself in their company. It was the intimate reason for her request, which we did not feel entitled to deny, although it was against our belief in the advantages of companionship in learning.

Our Astrid's modesty did not derive from self-satisfaction, and it was not based on any other fault of character. She had a heart of gold, everyone considered her a wonderful child. During her childhood, she wept easily, and, once she had begun to weep, the flood of tears would never end. But her tears were not the result of excessive sensitivity, but rather the expression of her despair in the face of her own shyness; when the reason was not the fact that her dear mother - Noni, as the children called her - had to leave for a trip, or that one of those she loved was ill, or that some other grief had pained her sensitive heart. But, at times, she could also overflow with joy. She was not at all a gloomy child, but simply reserved, and her disinterested and affectionate heart opened up more and more, as the years passed and she began to dominate herself. She loved everyone, in her discreet fashion, and everyone loved her...

If Astrid had been able to live and to celebrate her silver wedding, as her mother did, I am certain that she would have become, after 25 years, a wife as radiant as her mother had been in her time, and that Astrid's husband and their children would have had no fewer reasons than I and my children to thank and to bless her, and to render her the beautiful homage which I, one day, rendered her mother: "Sweden may be proud of her daughter!" 

Political Testament: Part II

Here are excerpts from the first section of Leopold's recommendations for Belgium's post-war reconstruction. It is entitled L'entente entre Flamands et Wallons (Good relations between Flemings and Walloons). It shows Leopold's intense concern for a national unity rising above ethnolinguistic differences, and, in particular, for just treatment of the Flemings, who had long been unfairly disadvantaged in Belgian society. Leopold inherited this sensitivity towards the Flemish cause from his father. King Albert I, in the early days of the pro-Flemish movement, at the turn of the 20th century, used to say to his friends: "I sympathize with these Flemings..." After World War I, Albert also favored the development of a Dutch-speaking intellectual centre at the University of Ghent, at a time when Belgian academic circles were dominated by Francophone culture. It is a pity that current Flemish separatists are so hostile to the Belgian monarchy, since the Kings took a lead in protecting Flemish interests.

Assurer définitivement la bonne entente entre Flamands et Wallons sera la tâche primordiale du gouvernement: de son accomplissement dépendra le maintien d'une Belgique indépendante.

Les historiens constateront que de 1914 à 1944 la Belgique a traversé une redoutable crise de 'nationalité'. 

Après une longue période d'inégalités et d'injustices indéniables, nos populations flamandes, fières de leur magnifique passé et conscientes de leurs possibilités futures, ont résolu de mettre un terme aux brimades d'une minorité égoïste et bornée qui se refusait de parler leur langue et à participer à la vie du peuple.

L'incompréhension du Parlement et la lenteur des gouvernements successifs à satisfaire ces aspirations légitimes, ont exaspéré les revendicateurs. Certains en sont venus à vouloir se séparer des Wallons et à maudire la Belgique. Il en est résulté une réaction wallonne dont il serait dangereux de méconnaître la portée. 

Sous prétexte de culture et de langue, nous avons vu et entendu des extrémistes, protégés ou non par l'occupant, travailler délibérément à la destruction de l'Etat belge...

Depuis des temps réculés, Flandre et Wallonie ont partagé des destinées associées par les mêmes intérêts et formé une entité qui a tenu tête, farouchement, à tous les essais d'annexion. Jamis leur union n'a subi de crise approchant celle qui connaît notre génération. 

J'espère que la violence des convulsions auxquelles nous assistons a rendu sensibles aux yeux des bons citoyens certaines réalités dont ils s'étaient trop désintéressés, et recréé la volonté de se resserer autour de drapeau national dans une Belgique nouvelle que Wallons et Flamands, unis sur le pied d'une parfaite égalité, aimeront et serviront avec une même ardeur...

To assure, in a definitive manner, good relations between Flemings and Walloons, will be the first task of the government: it is on this that the maintenance of an independent Belgium will depend.

Historians will find that, from 1914 to 1944, Belgium underwent a formidable crisis of  "nationality." 

After a long period of undeniable inequalities and injustices, our Flemish population, proud of its splendid past, and conscious of its future potential, resolved to put an end to the mistreatment of a blind and selfish ruling minority which refused to speak its language and to participate in the life of the people. 

Parliament's lack of understanding, and the slowness of the successive governments, in satisfying these legitimate aspirations, exasperated those who sought reform. Some, as a result, came to the point of wishing to separate from the Walloons and to doom Belgium. There resulted a Walloon reaction, whose consequences it would be dangerous to underestimate. 

Using the pretext of culture and language, we have seen and heard extremists, sometimes with the protection of the occupier, deliberately working towards the destruction of the Belgian state...

From the distant past, Flanders and Wallonia have shared destinies linked by the same interests and have formed an entity which has fiercely opposed all attempts at annexation. Never has their union suffered a crisis like that which our generation has seen. 

I hope that the violence of the convulsions which we are witnessing has brought, before the eyes of good citizens, certain realities in which they had taken too little interest, and that it has restored the will to rally around the national flag, in a new Belgium which Walloons and Flemings, united on a footing of perfect equality, will love and serve with the same ardor...

Political Testament: Part I

Here are excerpts from the preamble to the "Political Testament" of King Leopold III of the Belgians. He begins by explaining his motives for writing the document, namely, his concern that he may be deported to Germany by the Nazis and, in consequence, be absent from Belgium at the moment of its liberation by the Allies. In such an event, since he will not be able to guide the country in person, he wishes to provide, in writing, his advice for post-war reconstruction. Before proceeding to his recommendations, however, he explains and defends his decision, made four years earlier, to remain in Belgium during the occupation, rather than to follow his government into exile, and outlines his wartime activities for the benefit of his people: 

1. Tout d'abord, j'ai considéré le 25 mai, et mon avis n'a pas varié, qu'il eût été contraire du bien du Pays que je suivisse les ministres à l'étranger. 

Abandonner l'armée avant la bataille terminée eût été une faute militaire, car toute resistance se fût instantanément effondrée.

M'évader au moment de la reddition des armes me semblait un acte contraire à l'honneur d'un chef d'armée.

Sans force militaire réelle, ma présence à l'étranger n'aurait eu que la valeur d'un symbole; quelques ministres y suffisaient.

Par contre, le territoire se trouvant au pouvoir de l'envahisseur, il importait que le Chef de l'Etat n'en sortît qu'emmené de force par le vainqueur; sa présence était d'autant plus nécessaire que de grave défections soudain révélées menaçaient l'unité de la Nation et que, par une aberration funeste, la plupart des notables avaient fui et trop d'autorités avaient déserté. 

Au moment où les Alliés étaient terrassés par un désastre foudroyant et l'ennemi exalté par des succès militaires sans exemple, c'est en partageant l'adversité de mon armée et de mon peuple que j'affirmais l'indissoluble union de la Dynastie et de l'Etat et que je sauvegardais les intérêts de la Patrie quelle que fût l'issue de la guerre.

Ainsi l'honneur militaire, la dignité de la Couronne, le bien du Pays concordaient à m'interdire de suivre le Gouvernement hors de la Belgique.

2. Je n'ai jamais cessé de considérer comme mon suprême devoir de contribuer toutes mes forces au maintient de l'indépendance nationale. 

À l'exemple de mes prédécesseurs, j'ai toujours respecté la Constitution. En aucune circonstance, je n'ai eu l'intention d'y porter atteinte. 

Je ne conçois sa révision éventuelle que par la volonté du peuple belge librement exprimée.

Les bruits qui ont tendu à jeter le doute sur ces points sont dénués de fondement, et quiconque les a propagés a calomnié la Dynastie et commis un crime contre la Belgique.

Pour le surplus, depuis le 28 mai 1940, je me suis tenu strictement à la position de prisonnier de guerre aux mains de l'ennemi et j'ai jugé conforme à la dignité de la Couronne et à l'interêt de la Nation de ne m'en départir ni directement ni indirectement.

L'abstention dans le domaine politique n'excluait pas l'intervention sur le terrain humanitaire au bénéfice des personnes, des collectivités, voire de l'ensemble de la population.

Les recours en grâce, la libération ou tout au moins l'allègement du sort de nos prisonniers de guerre, le ravitaillement de la population, ont été l'objet constant de mon attention. Dans ce domaine mes efforts ont abouti partiellement; en matière de déportations et de charges financières, mes démarches se sont malheureusement heurtées à des décisions inflexibles...

Le passé se trouvant ainsi éclairé, tournons-nous vers les tâches de l'avenir.

1. First of all, on May 25, I considered, and my opinion has not altered, that it would have been contrary to the good of the Country for me to follow the ministers abroad.

To abandon the army before the battle was over, would have been a military error, for all resistance would have immediately collapsed. 

To escape at the moment of surrender, seemed to me to be an act contrary to the honor of the head of an army. 

Without real military strength, my presence, abroad, would have had only symbolic value; a few ministers were enough.

On the other hand, at a time when the country found itself under the power of the invader, it was important that the Head of State not leave, unless he were deported by force by the conquerer; his presence was all the more necessary, as serious defections, revealed suddenly, threatened the unity of the Nation and as, by a disastrous aberration, most of our leading men had fled and many in positions of authority had deserted.

At a moment when the Allies were overwhelmed by a terrible disaster and the enemy exalted by unexampled military successes, it was by sharing the misfortunes of my army and my people that I affirmed the indissoluble union of the Dynasty and the State, and that I protected the interests of our Country, whatever the outcome of the war.

Thus, military honor, the dignity of the Crown, and the good of the Country all forbad me to follow the Government outside of Belgium.

2. I have never ceased to consider, as my highest duty, contributing all my strength towards the maintenance of national independence. 

Following the example of my predecessors, I have always respected the Constitution. Under no circumstances have I had the intention to violate it.

I envisage its eventual revision only by means of the will of the Belgian people, freely expressed.

The rumors which have cast doubt on these points are without foundation, and whoever has propagated them has calumniated the Dynasty and committed a crime against Belgium.

In addition, since May 28, 1940, I have held myself strictly to my position as a prisoner of war, and I have judged it to be accordance with the dignity of the Crown and the interest of the Nation, not to depart from it, either directly or indirectly.

The abstention from political activity did not exclude humanitarian intervention for the benefit of individuals and groups; in other words, for the population as a whole.

Petitions for clemency; liberation, or, at least, alleviation of the sufferings, of our prisoners of war; the population's food supply, have been the constant object of my attention. In this realm, my efforts have been partially successful. As regards deportations and financial burdens, my interventions have, unfortunately, met with inflexible decisions...

Now that the past is clarified, let us turn to the tasks of the future.